The chancellor has approached the upcoming financial plan comparable to a reluctant bather creeping into icy water, attempting to ease the unpleasantness through incremental entry.
Reeves commenced addressing the problem of inadequate funds at the end of the summer months. Initially, she would not to stand by previous insistence that increases in taxation in last year's budget would be the last ones.
Then, in early November, she took a larger move into the freezing waters. Her address vowed to "do what is necessary" to fund state services and maintain debt expenses down.
After 10 days, the exchequer had pulled back the suggestion. The manifesto commitment remained intact after all. Like every icy-water dipper knows, this cancelled plunge and quivering withdrawal is the worst of all techniques. No tactic draws out the discomfort like uncertainty.
It's difficult to be resolute when selecting between levels of internally generated injury.
Expectation has not been a great strategy for the ruling party. Central of Keir Starmer's election bid was the unrealistic belief of somehow fulfilling citizens' call for improved state services without reversing significant amounts of Tory tax cuts.
Never has either the prime minister or the chancellor effectively expressed a impression of shared mission to justify all this difficulty. To some extent that is a problem of personality appeal. Both leaders are remarkably similar in their ineffective messaging, wooden and reserved in a way that drives audiences away instead of pulling them closer.
Similarly to public demand to invest in government services has compelled the exchequer to concede that taxes must increase, the economic imperative of boosting prosperity makes it increasingly difficult to overlook the price of separation from the EU market.
The government devoted a period splashing in the early stages of realignment with the EU: plans to end import controls on agricultural goods; a youth mobility scheme. Aspiration went a more substantial on energy, military and protection collaboration, but no major deals has so far been agreed.
In the absence definite guidance and drive from No 10, negotiations are bogged down. Brussels authorities says economic advantages are unlocked with contributions to the EU budget. Government representatives know that's the arrangement. That doesn't lead them enthusiastic for a visible argument and campaigners screaming treason over the eventual amount ends up being paid.
Commercial conditions has provoked some adjustment in Labour's tone on the continental partnership. The chancellor has started naming EU withdrawal alongside the health emergency as a cause of commercial injury that the exchequer is working hard to repair. Cabinet members have followed suit, although they deliberately ascribe the responsibility to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the exit process", never just "withdrawal".
The issue of Britain's future relationship with the EU can't be reduced to technical adjustments and border mechanisms when the entire international system is in tumultuous flux. In light of everything that has happened since 2016, it feels legitimate still to be raising the big question: were the UK's priorities advanced by exiting the European Union?
These constitute harsh, difficult facts about Britain's predicament in turbulent global circumstances. It is understandable that the prime minister and the chancellor recoil from the challenge. It would take them way out of their depth, into currents that they cannot oppose. So instead they continue nervously moving along the shore, hoping that maybe soon the circumstances will turn.
Elara Vance is a seasoned business analyst with over a decade of experience covering international markets and industrial transformations.